Friday, July 9, 2010

TOKOH-tokoh Nasionalisme

JOSE RIZAL (Filipina)

v TOKOH NASIONALISME DI FILIPINA

v NOVEL NOLI ME TANGERE KARYANYA TELAH MENCETUSKAN GERAKAN NASIONALISME DI FILIPINA SERTA DI RANTAU ASIA TENGGARA

v BELIAU BERGERAK CERGAS DALAM POLITIK MELALUI GERAKAN DAKYAH SEMASA DI SEPANYOL

v SEORANG NASIONALIS YANG SERDAHANA

v BERJUANG MELALUI AKHBAR LA SOLIDARIDAD SERTA NOVEL NOLI ME TANGERE DAN EL FILIBUSTERISMO, MALAH MENYERTAI LIGA FILIPINA YANG DITUBUHKAN PADA TAHUN 1876

Dan sekarang ini, kita di Filipina sekurang-kurangnya telah ketinggalan tiga kurun di belakang kenderaan kemajuan. Kita masih belum keluar dari Zaman Pertengahan. Itulah sebabnya, mengapa kaum Jesuit di Eropah dianggap kolot itu, dilihat dari sudut pandangan kita mereka mewakili kemajuan. Daripada mereka itu, Filipina dapat mengenal pelajaran permulaan ilmu alam …”


Petikan Novel Noli Me Tangere (Jangan Sentuh Daku)

Sumber : Tjetje Yusuf, 1975. Jangan Sentuh Daku

Jose Rizal merupakan pelopor sebuah masyarakat yang terbuka, berbanding dengan tanggapan orang mengenai beliau sebagai seorang ahli revolusi kemerdekaan. Sebagai ketua gerakanPropaganda Movement pelajar-pelajar Filipina di Sepanyol, beliau telah menyumbang beberapa rencana kepada suratkhabar La Solidaridad di Barcelona dengan agenda-agenda yang berikut:

§ Filipina menjadi salah satu provinsi Sepanyol

§ Perwakilan di Cortes (Parlimen)

§ Paderi-paderi Filipina dan bukan paderi Sepanyol di gereja di Filipina

§ Kebebasan berhimpun dan bersuara

§ Hak yang sama di sisi undang-undang (untuk rakyat Filipina dan penguasa Sepanyol)

Jikalau usulan ini diterima, novel yang dikarang Rizal boleh dibenarkan oleh kerajaan untuk disebarkan kepada orang awam. Namun penjajah Sepanyol tidak bersedia menerima pendapat Rizal dan apabila beliau pulang ke Manila pada 1892, beliau dituduh ingin menggulingkan kerajaan dan dibuang ke Dapitan, Mindanao.

Rizal sekali lagi dituduh bersubahat oleh kerajaan kolonial apabila sebuah gerakan kemerdekaan, Katipunan cuba untuk memberontak. Rizal ditangkap dan dihukum atas tuduhan hasutan (sedition). Rizal menerima hukuman tembak sehingga mati dari skuad penembak dan akan berlansung di Bagumbayan (kini Rizal Park, di Manila. Beliau diberi peluang untuk menghindari hukuman tersebut dengan berkhidmat sebagai doktor di Cuba, namun beliau menolak tawaran itu. Sehari sebelum hukuman dijatuhkan, beliau telah mengarang sajak, "Mi Último Adiós" (Selamat tinggalku yang Terakhir). Jose Rizal, bersama Mohandas Gandhi dari India dan Sun Yat-sen dari Taiwan boleh dianggap sebagai ketua-ketua kemerdekaan Asia yang ulung.

Hari peringatan kematian Jose Rizal adalah 30 Disember dan adalah hari cuti di Filipina. Petikan daripada surat terakhirnya: Prof. Fernando Blumentritt -

Saudaraku, apabila anda menerima surat ini, saya telahpun meninggal. Besok pada pukul 7, saya akan ditembak: tetapi saya tidak bersalah dari jenayah pemberontakan…

My dear Brother, when you receive this letter, I shall be dead by then. Tomorrow at 7, I shall be shot; but I am innocent of the crime of rebellion...

MAHATMA GANDHI (india)

v Nasionalis bersikap serdahana.

v Memperjuangkan pembelaan terhadap rakyat dan kemerdekaan.

v Menggunakan strategi enggan berkerjasama dengan penjajah dan mogok lapar.

v Pernah ditangkap dan dipenjarakan oleh british.

Gandhi dan kemerdekaan India

Ketika kembali ke India, dia membantu dalam proses kemerdekaan India dari jajahan British; hal ini memberikan inspirasi bagi rakyat di koloni-koloni lainnya agar berjuang mendapatkan kemerdekaannya.

Rakyat dari agama dan suku yang berbeza yang hidup di India kala itu yakin bahwa India perlu dipecah menjadi beberapa negara agar kelompok yang berbeza ini dapat mempunyai negara mereka sendiri. Ramai yang ingin melihat penganut agama Hindu dan Islam berpisah dan mempunyai negara sendiri. Walaupun, Gandhi adalah seorang Hindu, beliau menyukai falsafah dari agama-agama lain termasuk Islam dan Kristian. Beliau percaya bahawa manusia tak kira agama harus mempunyai hak yang sama dan hidup bersama secara damai di dalam satu negara.

Pada 1947, India mencapai kemerdekaan dan berpisah menjadi dua negara, India dan Pakistan. Hal ini tidak disetujui Gandhi.

Prinsip Gandhi, satyagraha, sering diterjemahkan sebagai "jalan yang benar" atau "jalan menuju kebenaran", telah menjadi sumber inspirasi berbagai generasi aktivis-aktivis demokrasi dananti-rasisme seperti Martin Luther King, Jr. dan Nelson Mandela. Gandhi sering mengatakan nilai-nilai ajarannya sangat sederhana, yang berdasarkan kepercayaan Hindu tradisional: kebenaran (satya), dan bukan-kekerasan (ahimsa).

Pada 30 Januari 1948, Gandhi dibunuh seorang lelaki Hindu yang marah kerana kepercayaan Gandhi yang menginginkan rakyat Hindu dan Muslim diberikan hak yang sama.

[sunting]Lain-lain

Gandhi tidak pernah menerima Penghargaan Perdamaian Nobel, meskipun dicalonkan sebanyak lima kali antara 1937 dan 1948. Beberapa dekad kemudian, hal ini disesali secara umum oleh pihak Jawatankuasa Nobel. Ketika Dalai Lama dianugerahi Penghargaan Nobel pada 1989, ketua Jawatankuasa Nobel mengatakan bahawa ini merupakan "suatu cara untuk mengenang jasa Mahatma Gandhi".

Museum elektronik Nobel mempunyai artikel mengenai hal tersebut. [1]

Sepanjang hidupnya, aktivis Gandhi telah menarik berbagai komentar dan pendapat. Misalnya, sebagai pemimpin Kerajaan British, Winston Churchill pernah berkata"Menyedihkan...melihat Mr. Gandhi, seorang peguambela daripada Kuil Tengah (Middle Temple) yang menghasut, sekarang tampil sebagai seorang fakir yang biasa dari Timur, menaiki tangga Istana Viceregal dengan badan setengah telanjang."

Begitu juga dengan Albert Einstein yang berkata mengenai Gandhi: "(Mungkin) para generasi berikutnya akan sukar mempercayai bahawa ada orang seperti ini yang pernah hidup di dunia ini."

Karya Mahatma Gandhi tidak dilupakan oleh generasi berikutnya. Cucunya, Arun Gandhi dan Rajmohan Gandhi dan bahkan anak cucunya, Tushar Gandhi, adalah aktivis-aktivis sosio-politik yang terlibat dalam mempromosikan gerakan bukan-kekerasan di seluruh dunia.

EMILIO AGUINALDO (FILIPINA)

v Menganggotai Katipunan

v Dilantik sebagai Datuk Bandar di Cavite pada tahun 1895

v Bersama-sama Andres Bonifacio melancarkan pemberontakan pada tahun 1896

v Dilantik sebagai Presiden Kerajaan Revolusi Filipina pada tahun 1897

v Pada tahun 1898 Aguinaldo bekerjasama dengan Amerika Syarikat dan Berjaya mengusir Sepanyol

v Pada tahun 1899 pengisythiran kemerdekaan Filipina oleh beliau tidak disahkan oleh Amerika Syarikat

v Revolusi diteruskan sehingga Aguinaldo ditangkap pada tahun 1901

Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy (22 Mac 1869 6 Februari 1964) ialah seorang jeneral, ahli politik, dan pejuang kemerdekaan. Beliau memainkan peranan yang utama dalam Revolusi Filipina terhadap penjajah Sepanyol, serta dalam Perang Filipina-Amerika Syarikatmenentang pendudukan Amerika Syarikat.

Di negara Filipina, Aguinaldo dianggap sebagai Presiden Filipina yang pertama serta yang termuda, walaupun kerajaannya gagal untuk mendapat sebarang pengiktirafan daripada negara-negara asing.

Philippine Revolution

In 1895, Aguinaldo joined the Katipunan, a secret organization led by Andrés Bonifacio, dedicated to the expulsion of the Spanish and independence of the Philippines through armed force. Aguinaldo used the nom de guerre Magdalo, in honor of Mary Magdalene. His local chapter of the Katipunan, headed by his cousin Baldomero Aguinaldo, was also called Magdalo.[3]

The Katipunan revolted against the Spanish colonizers in the last week of August 1896, starting in Manila. However, Aguinaldo and other Cavite rebels initially refused to join in the offensive due to lack of arms. Their absence contributed to Bonifacio's defeat in San Juan del Monte.[3] While Bonifacio and other rebels were forced to resort to guerrilla warfare, Aguinaldo and the Cavite rebels won major victories in set-piece battles, temporarily driving the Spanish out of their area.[3]

Conflict between the Magdalo and another Cavite Katipunan faction, the Magdiwang, led to Bonifacio's intervention in the province. The Cavite rebels then made overtures about establishing a revolutionary government in place of the Katipunan. Though Bonifacio already considered the Katipunan to be a government, he acquiesced and presided over elections held during theTejeros Convention in Tejeros, Cavite on March 22, 1897. Away from his power base, Bonifacio lost the leadership to Aguinaldo, and was elected instead to the office of Secretary of the Interior. Even this was questioned by an Aguinaldo supporter, claiming Bonifacio had not the necessary schooling for the job. Insulted, Bonifacio declared the Convention null and void, and sought to return to his power base in Morong (present-day Rizal). He and his party were intercepted by Aguinaldo's men and violence resulted which left Bonifacio seriously wounded. Bonifacio was charged, tried and found guilty of treason by a Cavite military tribunal, and sentenced to death. After some vacillation, Aguinaldo confirmed the death sentence, and Bonifacio was executed on May 10, 1897 in the mountains of Maragondon in Cavite, even as Aguinaldo and his forces were retreating in the face of Spanish assault.[3] kapay si jonuel

(Maklumat dalam Bahasa Inggeris)

SOEKARNO (INDONesiA)

v Menubuhkan Parti Nasional Indonesia pada tahun 1927

v Pejuang yang Radikal

v Dipenjarakan oleh Belanda pada tahun 1929-1931

v Dibuang ke Flores (Indonesia) pada tahun 1934

v Mengisytiharkan Kemerdekaan Indonesia pada 17 Ogos 1945

v Menjadi Presiden Indonesia Pertama pada tahun 1949

Sukarno (6 Jun 1901 - 21 Jun 1970) adalah Presiden Indonesia yang pertama (dari 1945 ke 1967). Beliau memainkan peranan penting dalam membantu negaranya mencapai kemerdekaan daripada Belanda.

Sukarno juga dikenali sebagai Ahmed Sukarno atau Soekarno. Rakyat Indonesia sering menggelarnya Bung Karno.

Perjuangan untuk kemerdekaan

Sukarno merupakan ketua sebuah pergerakan kemerdekaan Indonesia, Partai Nasional Indonesia yang diasaskan pada tahun 1927. Beliau ditahan oleh pihak penjajah Belanda dan dikenakan hukuman penjara selama dua tahun. Apabila beliau dilepaskan, beliau menjadi amat popular. Pada tahun 1930an, beliau dipenjara beberapa kali oleh kerajaan kolonial.

Kemerdekaan awal, Pancasila

Setelah Jepun tewas di Perang Dunia II, Sukarno dan Mohammad Hatta mengisytiharkan kemerdekaan Indonesia pada 17 Ogos 1945. Lihat: Proklamasi

Visi Sukarno untuk perlembagaan Indonesian 1945 merangkumi Panca Sila. (Sanskrit - lima tiang). Falsafah politik Sukarno berlandaskan (tanpa sebarang aturan) unsur Marxism,Demokrasi dan Islam. Ini terbayang dalam Panca Sila, dalam bentuk yang dijelaskan oleh beliau pada ucapan 1 Jun 19451:

1. Kebangsaan (nasionalisme)

2. Kemanusiaan

3. Kerakyatan (demokrasi)

4. Keadilan Sosial

5. Percaya kepada Tuhan

Parlimen Indonesia, diasaskan di atas dasar perlembagaan asal (dan perubahan berikutnya), terbukti tidak dapat dikendalikan. Ini disebabkan perbezaan yang tidak dapat diselesaikan antara pelbagai sosial, politik, agama, dan puak berlainan2.

Dalam kekacauan antara pelbagai pihak dan cubaan Belanda untuk mengekalkan kawalan kolonial, tentera Belanda menawan Sukarno pada Disember 1948, tetapi terpaksa membebaskan beliau selepas gencatan senjata (ceasefire). Beliau kembali ke Jakarta pada Disember 28 1949.

Terdapat beberapa cubaan rampasan kuasa tentera terhadap Sukarno pada tahun 1956.

Dalam menegakkan orde (order), Sukarno mencanangkan apa yang disebut Demokrasi Terpimpin, di mana beliau secara bertahap mendapatkan semakin banyak kekuasaan eksekutif sementara tetap mempertahankan sebuah parlimen multi parti.

HO CHI MINH (INDOCHINA–VIETNAM)

v Mengisytiharkan kemerdekaan Vietnam pada 2 September 1945

v Pemimpin Parti Komunis Vietnam (PKV)

v Melarikan diri ke Hong Kong apabila Perancis bertindak tegas

v Menjadi Presiden Vietnam Utara

Ho Chi Minh was born in Vietnam in 1890. His father, Nguyen Sinh Huy was a teacher employed by the French.

He had a reputation for being extremely intelligent but his unwillingness to learn the French language resulted in the loss of his job. To survive, Nguyen Sinh Huy was forced to travel throughout Vietnam, offering his services to the peasants. This usually involved writing letters and providing medical care.

As a nationalist, Nguyen taught his children to resist the rule of the French. Not surprisingly, they all grew up to be committed nationalists willing to fight for Vietnamese independence.

Ho Chi Minh's sister obtained employment working with the French Army. She used this position to steal weapons that she hoped one day would be used to drive the French out of Vietnam. She was eventually caught and was sentenced to life imprisonment.

Although he had refused to learn French himself, Nguyen decided to send Ho to a French school. He was now of the opinion that it would help him prepare for the forthcoming struggle against the French.

After his studies. Ho was, for a short period, a schoolteacher. He then decided to become a sailor. This enabled him to travel to many different countries. This included several countries that were part of the French Empire. In doing so. Ho learnt that the Vietnamese were not the only people suffering from exploitation

Ho finally settled in Paris in 1917. Here he read books by Karl Marx and other left-wing writers and eventually he became convened to communism. When in December, 1920 the French Communist Party was formed. Ho became one of its founder members.

Ho, like the rest of the French Communist Party, had been inspired by the Russian Revolution. In 1924, he visited the Soviet Union. While in Moscow, Ho wrote to a friend that it was the duty of all communists to return to their own country to: "make contact with the masses to awaken, organise, unite and train them, and lead them to fight for freedom and independence."

However, Ho was aware that if he returned to Vietnam he was in danger of being arrested by the French authorities. He therefore decided to go and live inChina on the Vietnam border. Here he helped organise other exiled nationalists into the 'Vietnam Revolutionary League'.

In September, 1940, the Japanese army invaded Indochina. With Paris already occupied by Germany, the French troops decided it was not worth putting up a fight and they surrendered to the Japanese. Ho Chi Minh and his fellow nationalists saw this as an opportunity to free their country from foreign domination and formed an organisation called the Vietminh. Under the military leadership of General Vo Nguyen Giap, the Vietminh began a guerrilla campaign against the Japanese.

The Vietminh received weapons and ammunition from the Soviet Union, and after the bombing of Pearl Harbour, they also obtained supplies from theUnited States. During this period the Vietminh leant a considerable amount about military tactics which was to prove invaluable in the years that were to follow.

When the Japanese surrendered to the Allies after the dropping of atom bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August, 1945, the Vietminh was in a good position to take over the control of the country.

In September, 1945, Ho Chi Minh announced the formation of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Unknown to the Vietminh Franklin D. Roosevelt,Winston Churchill and Joseph Stalin had already decided what would happen to post-war Vietnam at a summit-meeting at Potsdam. It had been agreed that the country would be divided into two, the northern half under the control of the Chinese and the southern half under the British.

After the Second World War France attempted to re-establish control over Vietnam. In January 1946, Britain agreed to remove her troops and later that year, China left Vietnam in exchange for a promise from France that she would give up her rights to territory in China.

France refused to recognise the Democratic Republic of Vietnam that had been declared by Ho Chi Minh and fighting soon broke out between the Vietminh and the French troops. At first, the Vietminh under General Vo Nguyen Giap, had great difficulty in coping with the better trained and equipped French forces. The situation improved in 1949 after Mao Zedong and his communist army defeated Chaing Kai-Shek in China. The Vietminh now had a safe-base where they could take their wounded and train new soldiers.

By 1953 the Vietminh controlled large areas of North Vietnam. The French, however, had a firm hold on the south and had installed Bo Dai, the former Vietnamese Emperor, as the Chief of State.

When it became clear that France was becoming involved in a long-drawn out war, the French government tried to negotiate a deal with the Vietminh. They offered to help set-up a national government and promised they would eventually grant Vietnam its independence. Ho Chi Minh and the other leaders of the Vietminh did not trust the word of the French and continued the war.

French public opinion continued to move against the war. There were four main reasons for this: (1) Between 1946 and 1952 90,000 French troops had been killed, wounded or captured; (2) France was attempting to build up her economy after the devastation of the Second World War. The cost of the war had so far been twice what they had received from the United States under the Marshall Plan; (3) The war had lasted seven years and there was still no sign of an outright French victory; (4) A growing number of people in France had reached the conclusion that their country did not have any moral justification for being in Vietnam.

General Navarre, the French commander in Vietnam, realised that time was running out and that he needed to obtain a quick victory over the Vietminh. He was convinced that if he could manoeuvre General Vo Nguyen Giap into engaging in a large scale battle, France was bound to win. In December, 1953, General Navarre setup a defensive complex at Dien Bien Phu, which would block the route of the Vietminh forces trying to return to camps in neighbouring Laos. Navarre surmised that in an attempt to reestablish the route to Laos, General Giap would be forced to organise a mass-attack on the French forces at Dien Bien Phu.

Navarre's plan worked and General Giap took up the French challenge. However, instead of making a massive frontal assault, Giap choose to surround Dien Bien Phu and ordered his men to dig a trench that encircled the French troops. From the outer trench, other trenches and tunnels were dug inwards towards the centre. The Vietminh were now able to move in close on the French troops defending Dien Bien Phu.

While these preparations were going on, Giap brought up members of the Vietminh from all over Vietnam. By the time the battle was ready to start, Giap had 70,000 soldiers surrounding Dien Bien Phu, five times the number of French troops enclosed within.

Employing recently obtained anti-aircraft guns and howitzers from China, Giap was able to restrict severely the ability of the French to supply their forces in Dien Bien Phu. When Navarre realised that he was trapped, he appealed for help. The United States was approached and some advisers suggested the use of tactical nuclear weapons against the Vietminh. Another suggestion was that conventional air-raids would be enough to scatter Giap's troops.

The United States President, Dwight Eisenhower, however, refused to intervene unless he could persuade Britain and his other western allies to participate. Winston Churchill, the British Prime Minister, declined claiming that he wanted to wait for the outcome of the peace negotiations taking place in Geneva before becoming involved in escalating the war.

On March 13, 1954, Vo Nguyen Giap launched his offensive. For fifty-six days the Vietminh pushed the French forces back until they only occupied a small area of Dien Bien Phu. Colonel Piroth, the artillery commander, blamed himself for the tactics that had been employed and after telling his fellow officers that he had been "completely dishonoured" committed suicide by pulling the safety pin out of a grenade.

The French surrendered on May 7th. French casualties totalled over 7,000 and a further 11,000 soldiers were taken prisoner. The following day the French government announced that it intended to withdraw from Vietnam. The following month the foreign ministers of the United States, the Soviet Union, Britainand France decided to meet in Geneva to see if they could bring about a peaceful solution to the conflicts in Korea and Vietnam.

After much negotiation the following was agreed: (1) Vietnam would be divided at the 17th parallel; (2) North Vietnam would be ruled by Ho Chi Minh; (3) South Vietnam would be ruled by Ngo Dinh Diem, a strong opponent of communism; (4) French troops would withdraw from Vietnam; (5) the Vietminh would withdraw from South Vietnam; (6) the Vietnamese could freely choose to live in the North or the South; and (7) a General Election for the whole of Vietnam would be held before July, 1956, under the supervision of an international commission.

After their victory at Dien Bien Phu, some members of the Vietminh were reluctant to accept the cease-fire agreement. Their main concern was the division of Vietnam into two sections. However, Ho Chi Minh argued that this was only a temporary situation and was convinced that in the promised General Election, the Vietnamese were sure to elect a communist government to rule a re-united Vietnam.

This view was shared by President Dwight Eisenhower. As he wrote later: "I have never talked or corresponded with a person knowledgeable in Indochinese affairs who did not agree that had elections been held at the time of the fighting, possibly 80 per cent of the population would have voted for the communist Ho Chi Minh."

When the Geneva conference took place in 1954, the United States delegation proposed the name of Ngo Dinh Diem as the new ruler of South Vietnam. The French argued against this claiming that Diem was "not only incapable but mad". However, eventually it was decided that Diem presented the best opportunity to keep South Vietnam from falling under the control of communism.

When it became clear that Ngo Dinh Diem had no intention of holding elections for a united Vietnam, his political opponents began to consider alternative ways of obtaining their objectives. Some came to the conclusion that violence was the only way to persuade Diem to agree to the terms of the 1954 Geneva Conference. The year following the cancelled elections saw a large increase in the number of people leaving their homes to form armed groups in the forests of Vietnam. At first they were not in a position to take on the South Vietnamese Army and instead concentrated on what became known as 'soft targets'. In 1959, an estimated 1,200 of Diem's government officials were murdered.

Ho Chi Minh was initially against this strategy. He argued that the opposition forces in South Vietnam should concentrate on organising support rather than carrying out acts of terrorism against Diem's government.

In 1959, Ho Chi Minh sent Le Duan, a trusted adviser, to visit South Vietnam. Le Duan returned to inform his leader that Diem's policy of imprisoning the leaders of the opposition was so successful that unless North Vietnam encouraged armed resistance, a united country would never be achieved.

Ho Chi Minh agreed to supply the guerrilla units with aid. He also encouraged the different armed groups to join together and form a more powerful and effective resistance organisation. This they agreed to do and in December, 1960, the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NLF) was formed. The NLF, or the 'Vietcong', as the Americans were to call them, was made up of over a dozen different political and religious groups. Although the leader of the NLF, Hua Tho, was a non-Marxist, Saigon lawyer, large numbers of the movement were supporters of communism.

The strategy and tactics of the NLF were very much based on those used by Mao Zedong in China. This became known as Guerrilla Warfare. The NLF was organised into small groups of between three to ten soldiers. These groups were called cells. These cells worked together but the knowledge they had of each other was kept to the bare minimum. Therefore, when a guerrilla was captured and tortured, his confessions did not do too much damage to the NLF.

The initial objective of the NLF was to gain the support of the peasants living in the rural areas. According to Mao Zedong, the peasants were the sea in which the guerrillas needed to swim: "without the constant and active support of the peasants... failure is inevitable."

When the NLF entered a village they obeyed a strict code of behaviour. All members were issued with a series of 'directives'. These included:" (1) Not to do what is likely to damage the land and crops or spoil the houses and belongings of the people; (2) Not to insist on buying or borrowing what the people are not willing to sell or lend; (3) Never to break our word; (4) Not to do or speak what is likely to make people believe that we hold them in contempt; (5) To help them in their daily work (harvesting, fetching firewood, carrying water, sewing, etc.)."

Three months after being elected president in 1964, Lyndon B. Johnson launched Operation Rolling Thunder. The plan was to destroy the North Vietnam economy and to force her to stop helping the guerrilla fighters in the south. Bombing was also directed against territory controlled by the NLF in South Vietnam. The plan was for Operation Rolling Thunder to last for eight weeks but it lasted for the next three years. In that time, the US dropped 1 million tons of bombs on Vietnam.

Ho Chi Minh died in 1969.

(Maklumat dalam Bahasa Inggeris)

AUNG SAN (BURMA)

v Aktif dalam gerakan Blok Pembebasan yang menuntut Kemerdekaan

v Mengetuai Liga Pembebasan Rakyat Anti-Fasis kerana kecewa dengan sikap Jepun.

v Perlembagaan Burma 1935 memberi peluang untuk menubuhkan Parti Dobama Asiayone

v Mengtuai rombongan Kemerdekaan dan menubuhkan Kerajaan baru Burma.

v Para pemimpinnya terdiri daripada Aung San,Kyaw Nein dan U Nu mengelarkan diri mereka sebagai “Tuan”

v Dr. Ba Maw yang memenangi pilihan raya pada tahun 1937 dilantik sebagai Perdana Menteri pertama

Bogyoke (General) Aung San (Burmese: ; MLCTS: buil hkyup aung hcan:; IPA: [bòʊdʒoʊʔ àʊn sʰán]); 13 February 1915 – 19 July 1947) was a Burmese revolutionary, nationalist, and founder of the modern Burmese army, the Tatmadaw.

He was instrumental in bringing about Burma's independence from British colonial rule, but was assassinated six months before its final achievement. He is recognized as the leading architect of independence, and the founder of the Union of Burma. Affectionately known as "Bogyoke" (General), Aung San is still widely admired by the Burmese people, and his name is still invoked in Burmese politics to this day.

Aung San was the father of Nobel Peace laureate and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under house arrest for the past 19 years.

Struggle for independence

After Aung San entered Rangoon University in 1933, he quickly became a student leader.[3] He was elected to the executive committee of theRangoon University Students' Union (RUSU). He then became editor of their magazine Oway (Peacock's Call).[2]

In February 1936, he was threatened with expulsion from the university, along with U Nu, for refusing to reveal the name of the author of the articleHell Hound At Large, which criticized a senior University official. This led to the Second University Students' Strike and the university authorities subsequently retracted their expulsion orders. In 1938, Aung San was elected president of both the RUSU and the All-Burma Students Union (ABSU), formed after the strike spread to Mandalay.[1][2] In the same year, the government appointed him as a student representative on the Rangoon University Act Amendment Committee.

In October 1938, Aung San left his law classes and entered national politics. At this point, he was anti-British, and staunchly anti-imperialist. He became a Thakin (lord or master — a politically motivated title that proclaimed that the Burmese people were the true masters of their country, not the colonial rulers who had usurped the title for their exclusive use) when he joined the Dobama Asiayone (Our Burma Union), and acted as their general secretary until August 1940. While in this role, he helped organize a series of countrywide strikes that became known as Htaung thoun ya byei ayeidawbon (the '1300 Revolution', named after the Burmese calendar year).

He also helped found another nationalist organization, Bama-htwet-yat Gaing (the Freedom Bloc), by forming an alliance between the Dobama, the ABSU, politically active monks and Dr Ba Maw's Sinyètha (Poor Man's) Party, and became its general secretary. What remains relatively unknown is the fact that he also became a founder member and first secretary-general of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in August 1939. Shortly afterwards he co-founded the People's Revolutionary Party, renamed the Socialist Party after the Second World War.[2] In March 1940, he attended the Indian National Congress Assembly in Ramgarh, India. However, the government issued a warrant for his arrest due to Thakin attempts to organize a revolt against the British and he had to flee Burma.[1] He went first to China, seeking assistance from the government there[4] (China was still under nationalist government during WWII), but he was intercepted by the Japanese military occupiers in Amoy, and was convinced by them to go to Japan instead.[2]

(Maklumat dalam Bahasa Inggeris)

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